The Othering & Belonging Institute at the University of California, Berkeley is organizing a national survey on Islamophobia. The survey will run from Wednesday, October 14th – Monday, October 26th, 2020.The survey is intended for all Muslim Americans, including citizens and residents, who live and/or work in the US.The survey is a national study covering all 50 states and Washington DC.The survey is completely anonymous and will not ask or collect any personal information. More information: https://berkeley.qualtrics.com/jfe/form/SV_3eNoqCL0T9fMMcZ
Houria Bouteldje was a leading member of PIR. PIR is a founding member of the Decolonial International Network. Here is the statement on her Facebook page Houria: https://m.facebook.com/story.php?story_fbid=3843662218982067&id=100000149795764. In response to her decision the board of the DIN Foundation sends her the following message:
Dear Sister Houria:
We have taken notice of your statement regarding leaving the PIR. As we explained in our conversation prior to your final decision, we don’t agree with your analysis and strategy. We understand the pressures under which the PIR had to operate and appreciate the hard work the PIR and you in particular have done in the social struggle in France and internationally. We thank you from the bottom of our heart for your contribution.
For a long period of time we have had friendly discussions in relation to agreements and divergencies with you and our brothers and sisters in PIR on questions of decolonial theory, analysis, strategy, tactics and the building of social movements. Now that PIR is no longer a member of DIN we think that the movement as a whole will benefit from these discussions when we take it to the public domain.
We respect your decision. We want to stimulate that every individual and organization that wants to contribute to decolonial strategy and activism should have their own space in developing their organization and strategy according to their ideas of decolonial theory and activism. The instrument of this development is discussion and debate.
In the coming weeks and months we will engage in comradely discussions on our differences that will hopefully benefit the whole movement.
We hope that we can still work with you and your brothers and sisters on future projects that you might undertake.
With love and care
on behalf of the board of the DIN Foundation
by Ramón Grosfoguel
[As a continuation of the monthly conference “Ciclo Internacional: Nuestra America en los
Planes del Imperialismo” (“International Colloquium: Our America in the Plans of US
Imperialism), in the event “Una Mirada desde América del Norte” (A Gaze from North America)
celebrated on August 25th, 2020, by the Caracas Movement of Social Scientists “Simon Bolivar,”
we share the lecture delivered by Ramon Grosfoguel entitled “8 Theses on USA Imperialism and
Anti-Imperialist Struggles in the 21st Century.”]
Thesis 1: The cycle of American hegemony in the world-system has entered into a terminal
crisis. The American hegemony that began shortly after WWII in 1945, has come to an end in
2020. The new center of the capitalist world-economy has shifted towards China. With the
highest death toll in the world and the more than 50 million people having lost their jobs over the
last 12 weeks, the United States of America remains the epicenter of the Covid-19 pandemic as
well as the epicenter of a Global Great Depression of global capitalism.
Thesis 2: In the long run, the decline of U.S. empire is good news for the world at large, but in
the short run bad news for Latin America. After losing the wars in the Middle East, and after
having lost the trade war with China in Africa and Asia, the U.S. empire has retreated to the only
zone that remains, its historical periphery: Latin America and the Caribbean. This means that as
the fall of empire accelerates, U.S. foreign policy in our region will be more hawkish and more
aggressive. The empire seeks to monopolize the markets and natural resources of the region and
it looks to recuperate the countries it has lost to preserve and hold onto its imperial status in the
world; hence the wave of soft and hard coups d’etats of the last decade, the last ones being
against the government of Evo Morales in Bolivia last November, and the 4th Generation War
Thesis 3: Over the course of the next few months, Venezuela will experience great tension. The
Trump administration is coming up against an election in which it fears losing. In the midst of
the presidential election, the administration, in an act of desperation, is using Colombia, with its
neocolonial, narcopolitical, and parapolitical puppet government and neighboring neocolonial
governments to escalate tensions and if possible manufacture a conflict that will divert attention
away from domestic issues. This has always been a classic move on the part of US empire:
diverting the discussion of its internal problems through warlike adventures abroad. If in the
Middle East they deployed the rhetoric of “Islamic terrorism” to justify their imperialist statesanctioned
terror to destroy countries and murder millions of human beings, in Latin America
they use the rhetoric of “narco-trafficking.” We have already witnessed their use of “fake news”
to invent a cartel (the “Los Soles Cartel”) and accused President Maduro along with other
members of the Bolivarian government of heading the cartel. Using this false accusation, the
USA emited a warrant calling for the arrest of the Bolivarian leadership in Venezuela. This is all
a pretext for global public opinion, but above all, for public opinion consumption inside the
empire. Thus, the war of information becomes fundamental and we must brace ourselves for the
worse so that we are met with no surprises.
Thesis 4: The Empire is torn between two versions of white supremacy: (1) the version of
apartheid with an open and blatant racism represented by Donald Trump and the terrorist white
supremacist militias that follow him and (2) the version of a new form of liberal multicultural
apartheid currently headed by Joe Biden. The multicultural liberal apartheid version of the
Clinton, Bush and Obama administrations seeks to put a multicultural and multiracial face on
white supremacy so that nothing changes.
Thesis 5: These two versions of white supremacy constitute the two different responses to the
fact that White Americans will soon become a demographic minority within the next two
Latinxs are the fastest growing population. The response on the part of Trump’s version
of classic apartheid is to put up a wall on the southern border to stop the Latinx demographic
growth. The liberal multicultural response is to give the empire a multiracial face by integrating
elites from racialized groups into the administration while the white racial state and the white
capitalist elites continue to rule over and further impoverish and exploit the Black and Latinx
populations which the integrated elites claim to now represent. This is why we now have Black
and Latinx political elites, a former Black President and today a female Black vice-presidential
candidate with no significant change in terms of race relations, capitalism, or imperialism in the
United States. What is important to note here is that these two versions of American White
Supremacy are simply two sides of the same coin. The differences are secondary and relate to the
domestic politics of empire. As for the imperialist foreign policy there is no difference. For this
reason we should have no illusions about any American president: be it Donald Trump’s version
of classic apartheid or Joe Biden’s version of liberal multicultural neo-apartheid. In its decline,
the empire’s aggressive policy toward Latin America will intensify, above all against Venezuela,
regardless of who wins the presidential elections. As long as the WHITE house continues to be
WHITE, it matters little who occupies the presidency. The state will remain a white supremacist,
imperialist, and racial capitalist institution.
Thesis 6: The demographic growth of non-white people is slated to be a majority inside the
empire in the next 15 to 20 years and has the potential to strengthen anti-imperialist struggles
within empire and move towards a decolonization that can put an end to the imperialist barbarity
of the U.S. racial capitalist state, in hopes of transforming the country into a civilized member of
the international community that behaves itself in solidarity, peace, and equality with the rest of
the peoples of the world. These struggles have been rendered essentially invisible outside of the
United States as a result of a media blackout. But regardless, these anti-imperialist movements
exist inside the empire and contain a lot of strategic potential. Let us remember that the war in
Vietnam was won not only through the heroic struggles of Vietnamese people but also by the
mass anti-war mobilizations that occurred inside the empire. The empire will only fall as a result
of the efforts made by anti-imperialist struggles within its borders joined together by efforts of
anti-imperialist struggles abroad.
Thesis 7: Facing the 21st Century, we cannot conceive of anti-imperialist struggles without
coordination with anti-imperialist struggles inside of the US empire. In the 21st century, the
empire is torn between white supremacy in either of its two versions and the struggle for the
decolonization of the empire from within. The Latinx population along with other groups inside
empire, such as Black people, Indigenous people, and migrants are strategic. Demographic
changes open up a decolonial potential. This is not automatic as we have seen with the Obama
Presidency, where imperialism and the racial state did not change. It is about organizing a
political project towards the decolonization of empire from within, and in solidarity with other
peoples, build an anti-imperialist movement that will bring an end to the empire.
Thesis 8: In the same way that a 21st century anti-imperialism cannot be conceived of without
the coordination with anti-imperialist struggles within the empire, neither can we conceive of a
21st century anti-imperialism without epistemic diversity. We have to think of an antiimperialism
that does not have a singular epistemology or worldview as its starting point. The
anti-imperialism of the 21st century must be epistemically and spiritually pluriversal, that is, a
universal that is diverse and plural. The anti-imperialist’s principles of unity must be peace,
solidarity and the people’s right to self-determination, while respecting different spiritualities and
epistemic diversity. And it must have as a central theme the defense of LIFE, because the
imperialist system with its ecological destruction of the planet is only leading us towards death.
He asks the question: “Math and science are believed to be universal, so is there anything to decolonise in math and science education?” He answers: “Indeed there is. The wrong belief that math and science are universal but developed mainly in the West played a key role in colonisation.”
What is the main difference between Eurocentric mathematics and decolonial mathematics. Raju: “Empirical proof is rejected by Western mathematics on the grounds that empirical proof is fallible. Our senses might mislead us. To use a classical example from Indian philosophy: I might mistake a rope for a snake or a snake for a rope.”
Eurocentric mathematics has build a system based on axioms, while decolonial mathematics goes back to mathematics as was developed in other civilization and based on empirical evidence.
Go to the website of raju to learn more about decolonial mathematics: http://www.ckraju.net/
In the last weeks, political tensions in Portugal have arisen following public demonstrations of extreme right organizations that have also threatened anti-racist activists. On August 11, black antiracist activist Mamadou Ba and other nine persons (antiracist, antifascist and LGBT rights activists, MPs and trade union leaders) received an e-mail sent by a neo-Nazi movement that threatened them and their families if they did not leave the country in the next 48 hours. In July the headquarters of the movement SOS Racismo in Lisbon was vandalized – “War against the enemies of my land” was written on the facade – and in August, three days before the aforementioned e-mail was sent, several neo-Nazis gathered in protest in front of the building, performing a KKK-marching-style with torches and white masks.
Many activists and academics across the world have signed a letter in support of Mamadou Ba and antiracists organizations in Portugal. This is the letter.
Letter in support of Mamadou Ba and political antiracism in Portugal
The denial of structural racism is the rule in Europe, and Portugal is not an exception. Portuguese institutions and civil society have not come to terms with the history and legacies of colonialism and racial enslavement. Complaints of racial discrimination and racist crimes are rarely prosecuted, and the number of condemnations is very low. The strengthening of antiracist organizations and, in particular, of the black movement, has unsettled mainstream political approaches towards institutionalized racism, racist violence and racial harassment for the last five years.
In this context, the countering of the critique and public denunciation of police brutality and extreme right discourses made by antiracist activists has escalated in the last months. On August 11, black antiracist activist Mamadou Ba and other nine persons (antiracist, antifascist and LGBT rights activists, MPs and trade union leaders) received an e-mail sent by the neo-Nazi movement designated as Nova Ordem de Avis – National Resistance that threatened them and their families if they did not leave the country in the next 48 hours. In July the headquarters of the movement SOS Racismo in Lisbon was vandalized – “War against the enemies of my land” (“Guerra aos inimigos da minha terra”) was written on the facade – and in August, three days before the aforementioned e-mail was sent, several neo-Nazis gathered in protest in front of the building, performing a KKK-marching-style with torches and white masks.
Mamadou Ba has been a militant of immigrant associations and member of SOS Racismo Portugal since the end of the 1990s. He has received threats from extreme right and neo-Nazi organizations since 2012 and has been in the spotlight since January 2019 after he made a public comment in social networks about police brutality and the reaction of certain left-wing militants to the public protest carried out mostly by young black people from the periphery in Lisbon against police violence, after a video of police officers beating the members of a black family went viral in social media. Ba referred to the police as “the fucking cops” (“a bosta da bofia”) and in the following weeks, members of extreme right organizations stalked and harassed him on the street. Two police unions (Associação Sindical dos Profissionais da Polícia and Sindicato Vertical de Carreiras da Polícia) filed criminal complaints against Mamadou Ba, charging him of defamation.
There has been a normalization of extreme right discourses in parliamentary debates and the media in Portugal; for instance, some members of neo-Nazi organizations have been invited to participate on tv programs. Hate speech and harassment in social networks against black antiracist activists have become commonplace. Some police union leaders are also members of Chega!, an extreme right political party with one elected MP, André Ventura, since the national elections held in October 2019. Ventura was a former member of the PSD (Social Democratic Party), a liberal-conservative political party. The election of three black women with different political trajectories, but engaged with the antiracist struggle has made structural racism more explicit in the country.
In the last months, Ventura has organized two demonstrations in Lisbon (June 22; August 2) under the political banner of anti-antiracist politics and support for police forces – “Portugal is not a racist country” (“Portugal não é racista”) has been the political slogan. Ventura has recently commented on the murder of black actor Bruno Candé, of Guinean origin, saying that in Portugal “racism has become an excuse for everything” and stated that “minorities have rights, but also duties”. Candé was shot in broad day light in Lisbon by Evaristo Marinho, a veteran of the so called “Colonial War” against the National Liberation Movements in the African contexts colonized by the Portuguese Empire-State. Witnesses stated that the alleged murderer used racist slurs and threatened Candé days before the murder, as well as on the day he shot him, making comments about his participation in the war.
We want to express our support of Mamadou Ba and his family, and our solidarity with the black movement in Portugal.
We support the protests and collective mobilization happening in Portugal by the antiracist movements and organizations.
We join their call against silence and denial.
We join their call for accountability and concrete change to transform the reality of structural racism and its manifestation in police brutality, racist violence and racial harassment in Portugal.
Abel Djassi, Simmons University, USA
Achille Mbembe, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa/Duke University, USA.
Aderivaldo Ramos de Santana, Université Bordeaux-Montaigne, France
Alexandre Rocha da Silva, Instituto Esporte & Educação, Brasil
Álvaro Pereira do Nascimento, Universidade Federal Rural do Rio de Janeiro (UFRRJ), Brasil
Alyosha Goldstein, University of New Mexico, USA
Amal Bentounsi, Urgence notre police assassin, France
Amanj Aziz, Nyans:Muslim, Sweden
Amber Kelsie, Wake Forest University, USA
Amílcar Packer, Oficina de Imaginação Política, Brasil
Amílcar Pereira, Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro (UFRJ), Brasil
Amzat Boukari-Yabara, Ligue Panafricaine – UMOJA
Ana Flávia Magalhães Pinto, Universidade de Brasília (UnB), Brasil
Ana Lúcia Araújo, Howard University, USA
Anderson Ribeiro Oliva, Núcleo de Estudos Afro-Brasileiros-Universidade de Brasília (Neab-UnB), Brasil
André de Godoy Bueno, Universidade de São Paulo (USP), Brasil
Anna Klobucka, University of Massachusetts Dartmouth, USA
Atef S. Said, University of Illinois at Chicago, USA
Babacar Faye, Université Cheikh Anta Diop de Dakar, Sénégal
Bado Ndoye, Université Cheikh Anta Diop Dakar, Sénégal
Bárbara Oliveira, Irmandade Pretas Candangas, Brasil
Cayetano Fernández, Kale Amenge – Roma anti-racist movement
César Augusto Baldi, funcionário público federal, Brasil
Cornel West, Harvard University, USA
Daniel Mandur Thomaz, King’s College London, UK
Deborah Santos, NEAB-Universidade de Brasília, Brasil
Delphine Abadie, chercheure associée au LLCP, Université Paris 8, France
Dr. Hilla Dayan, Amsterdam University College, The Netherlands
Dr. Noa K. Ha, Das Deutsche Zentrum für Integrations- und Migrationsforschung (DeZIM), Deutschland
Dr. Ylva Habel, Södertörn University, Stockholm, Sweden
Edinelia Souza, Universidade do Estado da Bahia (UNEB), Brasil
Elsa Roland, Université Libre de Bruxelles, Belgique
Emanuelle Santos, Universidade de Birmingham, UK
Euza Raquel de Sousa, Instituto Federal Rio Grande do Norte, Brasil
Evelyn Melo Silva, Advogada brasileira, Brasil
Fabiano Silva dos Santos, advogado, professor universitário UNIP, Brasil
Fatima El-Tayeb, Professor – University of California, USA
Felwine Sarr, Duke University, USA
Fernanda N. Crespo, GEPEAR, Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro (UFRJ), Brasil
Flávio Gomes, Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro (UFRJ), Brasil
Franck Ribard, Universidade Federal do Ceará (UFC), Brasil
Françoise Vergès, Politologue, féministe décoloniale, colletiff Décoloniser les arts, France
Fred Moten, New York University (NYU), USA
Gabrielle Oliveira de Abreu, Movimento Mulheres Negras Decidem, Brasil
Georges Franco, artiste peintre, France
Giovanni Picker, University of Glasgow, UK
Gisele Cittadino, Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio de Janeiro (PUC-Rio), Brasil
Gustave Massiah, Centre International de Culture Populaire CEDETIM, France
Houria Bouteldja, Parti des Indigènes de la République (PIR), France
Ibtissem Benarabe, Parti des Indigènes de la République (PIR), France
Ines Cordeiro Dias, Assistant Professor, Spelman College, USA
Iva Maria Cabral, Fundação Amílcar Cabral, Cabo Verde
Janete Santos Ribeiro, Escola Técnica Estadual Adolpho Bloch (FAETEC/ETEAB) & Núcleo de Estudos Afro-brasileiros-Sankofa, Brasil
Jeferson De, Buda filmes, Brasil
João Gabriel, Ligue Panafricaine-Umoja
José Augusto Rodrigues Jr. Advogado, Ordem dos Advogados do Brasil, São Paulo, Brasil
Jovita Pinto, Bla*Sh – Black Feminist Network, Switzerland
Juliana Souza, Grupo Prerrogativas, Brasil
Laura Harris, New York University (NYU)
Lourival dos Santos, Universidade Federal de Mato Grosso do Sul (UFMS), Brasil
Luciana Boiteux, Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro, Brasil
Luciene Lacerda, Instituto Búzios, Fórum de Mulheres Negras Rio de Janeiro, Brasil
Lucilene Reginaldo, Professora da Universidade Estadual de Campinas (UNICAMP), Brasil
Luis Carlos Moro, American Association of Jurists, USA
Luk Vervaet, Prisons and solitary confinement in Europe (supermax.be), Belgique
Maboula Soumahoro, Black History Month, France
Malick Gueye, Sindicato Manteros de Madrid, España
Mallé Kassé, Université Cheikh Anta Diop de Daka (UCAD), Sénégal
Marcelo Marques de Almeida Filho, Universidade de Brasília (UnB), Brasil
Marcus Camara, Utah State University, USA
Marcus Vinicius de Oliveira, Universidade Federal Fluminense (UFF), Brasil
Maria Paula Fernandes Adinolfi, Instituto do Patrimônio Histórico e Artístico Nacional (IPHAN), Brasil
Mariana Wiecko Volkmer de Castilho, Universidade de Brasília, Brasil
Marie-Noëlle Ryan, Université de Moncton, Canada
Mark JL Sabine, School of Cultures, Languages & Area Studies, University of Nottingham, UK
Maurício Brasil, Associação Juízes para a Democracia e Associação Brasileira de Juristas pela Democracia (ABJD), Brasil
Mayara Souza, Universidade de Brasília (UnB), Brasil
Miguel de Barros, Centro de Estudos Sociais Amílcar Cabral, Guiné Bissau
Moha Gerehou, elDiario.es, España
Mouhad Reghif, Bruxelles Panthères, Belgique
Nacira GUÉNIF, University Paris 8 Vincennes – Saint-Denis, France
Natália Barbosa, GEPEAR/Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro, Brasil
Natalia Gavazzo, CONICET- Universidad Nacional de San Martín (UNSAM), Argentina
Natasa Petresin-Bachelez, interdependent curator, France/Slovenia
Nengumbi Sukama, Instituto Argentino para la Igualdad, Diversidad e Integración (IARPIDI), Argentina
Nicholas Mirzoeff, New York University (NYU), USA
Nicholas Smith, Södertörn University, Sweden
Nordine Saidi, militant Décolonial et membre de Bruxelles Panthères, Belgique
Paola Bacchetta, University of California, Berkeley, USA
Patricia Schor, Amsterdam University College and Radboud University Nijmegen, The Netherlands
Pedro Schacht Pereira, The Ohio State University, USA
Piedade Lino Videira, NEAB-Universidade Federal do Amapá, Brasil
Priscilla Marques Campos, GEPEAR-Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro/UNIFESP, Brasil
Prof. Paul Goodwin, TrAIN, University of the Arts London, UK
Renísia Cristina Garcia Filice, Universidade de Brasília (UnB), Brasil
Rokhaya Diallo, journaliste et réalisatrice, France
Roland DOR, Ligue Panafricaine – Umoja (LP-U)
Rosa Pires, PhD student in Sociology, Université du Québec à Montreal, Canada
Sama Abdoulaye, Ligue Panafricaine (LP-U)
Sâmia Bomfim, líder do Partido Socialismo e Liberdade (PSOL) na Câmara, Brasil
Sara Martins, Golsmiths College, UK
Sarah Babiker, periodista de El Salto, España
Sarah Shamash, Emily Carr University, Canada
Sebijan Fejzula, Kale Amenge – Roma anti-racist movement
Sílvio Almeida, advogado, professor e Presidente do Instituto Luiz Gama, Brasil
Sónia Vaz Borges, Humboldt University Berlin, Germany
Soraya El Kahlaoui, Ghent University, Belgique
Stefan Kipfer, York University, Toronto, Canada
Sueli Carneiro – Coordenadora Executiva do Geledés Instituto da Mulher Negra – São Paulo, Brasil
Suzana Lopes Salgado Ribeiro, Universidade Federal do Mato Grosso do Sul, Brasil
Tânia Mara Pereira Vasconcelos, Universidade do Estado da Bahia (UNEB), Brasil
Thayara Cristine Silva de Lima, GEPEAR-Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro (UFRJ), Brasil
Thula Pires, Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio de Janeiro (PUC-Rio) & Movimento de Mulheres Negras no Brasil, Brasil
Ugo Palheta, Université de Lille, France
Vânia Gala, Kingston University, UK
Yannick Nagau, Ligue Panafricaine Umoja (LP-U)
Youssef M. Ouled, Periodista y activista antirracista, España
Yuderkys Espinosa, Grupo Latinoamericano de Estudio, Formación y Acción Feminista (GLEFAS), República Dominicana
Yuri Madalosso, Universidade Estadual de Londrina (UEL), Brasil
Collectives and Organizations
Bruxelles Panthères, Belgique
Coletivo Antirracista Acotirene, Brasil
Coletivo Marginal (Rio de Janeiro, Brasil
Coletivo Nuvem Negra, Brasil
Collectif de Défense des jeunes du Mantois, France
Comité de Vigilance pour la Démocratie en Tunisie, Belgique
Conselho Municipal de Promoção da Igualdade Racial de Guarulhos, Brasil
Decolonial International Network (DIN Foundation)
Front Démocratique (FD)
Grupo de Estudos e Pesquisa em Políticas, Ensino de História, Raça e Gênero (GEPPHERG) –
Universidade de Brasília, Brasil
Grupo Prerrogativas, Brasil
International Decade for People of African Descent (IDPAD) – Team Spain, España
Instituto Cigano do Brasil (ICB), Brasil
Instituto de Defesa da População Negra, Brasil
Instituto Luiz Gama, Brasil
Islamophobia Studies Center, University of California – Berkeley, USA
Ligue Panafricaine Umoja (LP-U)
Mulheres Negras Decidem, Brasil
Parti des Indigènes de la République (PIR), France
Rede Antirracista Quilombação, Brasil
Sindicato Manteros de Madrid, España
Transnational Decolonial QTPOC (Queer & Trans People of Color)
Uneafro Brasil, Brasil
In the midst of the pandemic, the Decolonial Thought Community, decided to continue with its activities online, we decided to focus on three main points.
- Discussing central points of the decolonial question.
- To establish links that will lead to the strengthening of networks and joint actions among those committed to the decolonial question.
- To have an overview of the state of decolonial action and research.
To this end, we decided to organize, over a period of 3 months, 7 online dialogue tables, on the following dates:
Saturday, August 1st: Expressions of resistance and decolonial processes (Spanish)
Saturday 15th August: Decolonial Feminisms. (Spanish)
Saturday, September 5th: Epistemology and decolonial pedagogies. (Spanish)
Saturday 19th September: Decolonization of social sciences. (Spanish)
Saturday 3rd October: The struggles of the Global South and North: Relationship. (English)
Saturday October 17th: Racism and Islamophobia (English)
Friday 30th October: Racism and community movements. (Portuguese)
Tables 5 and 6 will be organized by our partners of the Decolonial International Network.
We invite all interested parties to join and participate. For more information write to: email@example.com
Decolonial Thought Community
The Islamic Human Rights Commission has compiled a list of videos by DIN-coordinator Sandew Hira on various topics. See https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PL0BCSWzStP7Um_ByAiJ-fg3AF4GvqXHsk
Islamic Human Rights Commission (IHRC), a founding member of the Decolonial International Network is producing educational video’s in the times of corona. On June 6th 2020 Ramon Grosfoguel, Mohammad Marandi and Imam Dawud Walid engaged in a common analysis of systemic racism. The conversation was organized in cooperation with 5pillars and Ahlubayt Mission.
The presentation and discussion can be followed on YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UpIcKFO3b_E&t=43s
Islamic Human Rights Commission, a founding member of the Decolonial International Network based in London, has taken the initiative to express solidarity with the Palestinian people in the times of Covid-19.
The aim of this initiative is to create a space of solidarity in the times of Covid-19 that acknowledge the fact that Palestinians have been quarantined for decades by brute military force, while the rest of world experience being quarantined for health reasons.
DIN supports this initiative and calls upon people across the world to join this sea of solidarity.
The essence of the initiative is to express a message of solidarity with the Palestinian people. The expression can take any form you wish:
- You can use your social media account to convey your message of solidarity. You can use the official flag of Palestine. You can download it here. You let your friends know that you have not forgotten the suffering of the Palestinian people and ask them to join you in this effort in your own language. You can add the flag to your social media profiles
- You can use any means of messaging: a text, a visual (image, video), a song, a poem etc.
- You can print the flag and out it where people can see and join. Take a photo and twee it to @ihrc #FlyTheFlag #AlQudsDay2020 or send us an email: firstname.lastname@example.org.
- If you are part of an organization, ask your organization to sign the call by IHRC.
A large part of the Palestinian population are Muslims. This year Ramadan falls between April 23rd and May 22nd. Every year on May 15 Palestians commemorated the Nakba their holocaust.
This year we call upon people to express their solidarity messages in during Ramadan
Be creative in times of Corona and show your solidarity with the oppressed people of Palestine.
See an example of the message of DIN-coordinator Sandew Hira.
Din Foundation had planned to organize an international cadre school in Amsterdam at the end of May. Due to the Corona crisis the school has been cancelled. Currently we are making preparations to start the cadre school online. We will inform our network when we are ready to start the school.